Mentions of slavery in plantation letters

[John Lee]

Comment below with extracted text where slavery, slave life, or details about the slave system are discussed. For each letters, indicate the date, author and recipient. Please also include the page number of each text extract.

[Jonathan S. List]

Series: 1.3.3, box: 43, folder: 1017, date: 1847-9-28:

Page Two:

“You must have made a bargain in your stock, and I will promise to make the most of the purchase, if not defeated by the carelessness of some thoughtless negro.”

Page Two-Three:
“in the black family things go on as it [has] for some time. No one escapes and in some cases the fever is becoming much more [contained]. But it is in regard to the children we feel most anxiety by my last letter I informed you of two very sudden deaths. On yesterday we had one to occur more sudden that even the two... others. [Sarah], our cook, lost her child Brenda in its second chill on yesterday. I was not at the house at the moment, but Anne had every thing done that she could do to produce reaction, but to no purpose. Thus in less than a week we have had three deaths with chills in the family of children! It is melancholy to see these poor little creatures perish in this way with so little time and on so short a notice to do any thing for them!”



Series: 1.3.3, box: 42, folder: 995, date: 1846-10-24
Page One – Two

The general health of the black family is better – yet old Aunt Esther has but little chance for a recovery: she is old – her illness has been long – is much wasted in flesh – and thought and her fever unbroken. Old Mariah may recover – old [ unintelligible] at J. Hilt is quite [unintelligible] – having been in [unintelligible] for the last two days. I know but little of the sick here abouts: I don't [unintelligible]that any one on the plantation is ill – it will take me all day to get arranged to see them. In [ unintelligible ] I forward us one ill – some quite poorly – and others looking wasted by late sickness. The [ unintelligible ] company are in the house and from what I understand and am told a better [ unintelligible ] as regards quantity and quality than have been made for [ unintelligible ] years – if not now received in the [unintelligible] but be it good or bad it will be worth noting. he should go to work with a tired determination to get clear of that [ unintelligible] - it don't pay one percent of profit and I have spent 10 of the best years of my life in [unintelligible] after that red day. Some 8 or 10 persons have died right around us up there - Chiefly old [unintelligible] - Killed by the Doctor I have nary better thought.

Series: 1.3.3, box: 42, folder: 980, date: 1846-3-12

Possibly a slave reference: “Willie's foot is a little better. Joe and Henderson the same. Old York yet sick. Molly and John [Love] are complaining but not much sick.”

Series: 1.3.3, box: 42, folder: 996, date: 1846-11-3

Possibly a slave reference: “Sandy, Milton, Peter, Polly, John Law and John Y. Sick. They have chills and fever. Sally has a fine son.”

Series: 1.3.3, box: 43, folder: 1019, date: 1847-10-26

Possibly a slave reference: “The health of your people is yet bad. There is yet 17 in the house. Lewis has been very ill today [unintelligible]. I don't think Caroline can even get well. I have been [feeding] the people at the landing on corn this summer and don't think you will have any storage to pay.”

Series: 1.3.3, box: 43, folder: 1023, date: 1847-12-28

Reference to slave lodging. “There are two distinct sets of negro quarters built with a view to a division of the force. The dwelling house is plain but substantial and comodious.”

[Charley Norkus]

In reading my part of the Plantation Letters, I was impressed by the mixture of "it's just business" and humanity shown toward the slaves; it left me with very strange feelings about the entire institution of slavery. It wasn't split evenly either between on-site overseer and absentee owner as one might expect. In the letters I read, Charles Lewellyn, Paul Cameron's supervisor in Alabama, had an unexpectedly humane attitude toward the slaves under his charge: he was very concerned about their health, the quantity of food (hoping they would have enough and a variety), and the quality of their clothing. Of course, each of those concerns has a "it's just good business" aspect, but the way that Lewellyn expressed his concerns were not in that matter-of-fact rote manner but expressed in terms that revealed his humanity and that of his enslaved charges. I know that slavery in itself was absolutely wrong, but I guess these letters pointed out to me, with literary evidence, that there were degrees of treatment and attittude toward slaves and slavery that varied across the South.

[Shannon Hines]

This is what I have so far... still working on the handwritten one...

Letter 1
Date: 11/8/1845
Author: Paul Cameron
Recipients: Duncan Cameron
Text:
My ride from Atlanta to [Chehaw] a distance of one hundred and thirty five miles in a stage with 13 passengers, 6 of whom were negros inside which we could not avoid, was exceedingly unpleasant.

Letter 2
Date: 10/6/1846
Author: Paul Cameron
Recipients: Duncan Cameron
Text:

Letter 3
Date: 2/13/1846
Author: Charles Lewellyn
Recipients: Paul Cameron
Text:
{old York is yet in her house. Little Joe not much improved if any.
Henderson the same he was when you left here. Willie’s foot in not better that it was when you left here. Fanny is complaining as usual.


Letter 4
Date: 10/11/1846
Author: Charles Lewellyn
Recipients: Paul Cameron
Text:
Sanday’s child is dead. I had in the house last week 19 sick. Today I have only 10. There is none of these in any danger, but Jafus he has been very sick for five days, but if close nursing shall save him, he shall have it.

Letter 5
Date: 9/28/1847
Author: Charles Lewellyn
Recipients: Paul Cameron
Text: I have 22 hands out of the cotton field sick and waiting on the sick, but as we have had little better luck than most plantations I can’t complain. I understand Mr. Nelson has lost 10 servants.

Letter 6
Date: 12/4/1847
Author: Ogden
Recipients: Duncan Cameron
Text:
The plantation, is a sufficient amount is offered for it, may be sold separately from the negros.
The manager of the place since 1842 assures us it is well worth the $20 per acre and that its average crop, with the present force of 155 working hands, all employed together is 1200 bales, and that by dividing the force and working it is two bodies the crop could easily be increased to 2000 bales.

[Charley Norkus]

Plantation Letters – Extracting Information on Slavery Charley Norkus, 10/19/2009
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Paul Cameron Letters (owner/partner, resident Fairntosh Plantation, NC) Transcribed
Nov. 18, 1845 from Paul Cameron in Hobbie (Greene Co) AL to his father Duncan Cameron in Raleigh

page 1
“arrived here on Tuesday morning, meeting with a pretty cordial reception from overseer and negroes, a large portion of whom seem very much pleased to see me. But all were not up to greet me. Little Joe is yet in delicate health. Sandy is looking badly, having a chill every 3rd day. Henderson is about as he was 12 months ago, looking if possible a little more bleached and enfeebled. On yesterday as is custom on the plantation, as 12 o’clock Sunday, all appeared in line before the overseer’s door for instpection of their clothing and persons. They made a fair show in all respects, as regards clothing and cleanliness of person. The junior members of the family look very well. The elder ones are looking thin and pale. The children as fat as pigs. The elder ones are very tired of their diet pickled pork, and they have made but an indifferent crop of vegetables with the exception of turnips. Our fish have not yet comet to hand, and a small quantity of bacon must be purchased as we have not more than a week’s provision on hand…”
page 2
“Every effort is now making to save the cotton crop. Our people are not good pickers, but a few have picked as high as 200 pounds a day, and many will fall under a hundred. We get from 6 to 7000 pounds a day…” The overseer Mr. Lewellyn has been employed for another year. He does not suit me in every respect, but I know not what better I can do. I see and hear much to approve in his administration. He has made a very [accided] impression upon the habits, manners, and customs of our people, improving their capacity and disposition to labor, making the rude orderly and respectful and the idle…”
page 3
“…uniform and attentive in their efforts. He is quite at home in the administration of medicine in plain cases, is apparently kind and attentive to the sick; has but little [intercourse] with the world, and as far as I see and learn, no visitors, especially no overseers from surrounding plantations. I fear he is not as temperate as he might be, indeed no overseer out here is, he has no spirits her(e) and I shall furnish none. I think though it is generally kept on all plantations. I think he has formed a favorable opinion of me and is becoming somewhat attached to me, which is not an unimportant matter living as I do at a distance from him. I have not failed to speak to him in terms of [unintelligible] and disapprobation of [department] and results. The negros fear him a little more than I wish, but they regard him kind in the main and just, at least that portion of the family who are disposed to do well. These considerations together with the fact that he was here, had a good knowledge of the people and their capacity and the dispositions and with all desired the business induced me to give him the employment at the same terms as last year…”
page 4
“… From Lewellyn’s representations I should hope our Physician’s bill would not be a heavy one, but no man can guess at a Dr.’s bill. Lewellyn says that this has been a season of great health in this part of Alabama. I shall in a day or two compare Mr. [Rivan’s] bills with the articles received. The hats I have not seen, the men’s clothing good, shoes first rate, but the plaid for the women’s [backs] most miserable. They will be naked before the first of February if I do not get them a better article. I send you a sample, you will find it too thin for [unintelligible] in a fall morning, easily penetrated by rain. A far better article can be had at 10 cents whilst [Keasen]charges 2/3 for this. The best article for women’s clothes is manufactured at Columbus, Georgia, of wool. The clothes are all made, and pretty well made. I employ myself as best I can about our matters. The overseer leaves very little for me to attend to, thought I have been with him at the cotton scaffold every night until 7o’clock when the weighing is over…”
page 6
“Below you have a list of the cotton pickers and the quantity picked by each on yesterday, Monday 18th of November:
Willie 176 Alexander 150 Milly 198
Milton 184 Louis Little 198 Martha 134
Peter 178 Eaton 117
[Jon] 152 Molly 164 Total 7801
Washington 158 Mary 180
Toney 178 Diley 165
[Jim] 111 Famy 124
Nat 163 Anckey 128
Carolina 210 Nancy 156
Nelson 151 Polly 200
John Law 123 Molly 148
Dave Law 89 Sally 120
Green 131 Lidy 165
Paul 166 Eliza 155
Simon 133 Becky 115
Madison 149 Lizzy 150
Martin 148 Cillar 138
Jacob 101 Delphia 128
Charles 219 Caroline 116
Thomas 175 [Imary] 104
Juba 185 Lizzy S. 112
Jake 127 Winny 82
Gustavers 191 Anne 116
[John] 100 Chainey 188
(list is cut off at this point in the collection)

Paul Cameron Letters that have not been transcribed
Oct. 17, 1846 from Paul Cameron in Fairntosh/Stagville to father Duncan Cameron in Philadelphia PA

page 1
“…see no improvement in the condition of dear Mildred! To learn that she was free from suffering – sitting up and comfortable at the moment of your visiting is not without its comfort to me.”

“Thomas has had but one child – that on Sunday last – he left his room day before yesterday for the first time – he has not yet been out of the house – has been a very good fellow, taken quinine like a Trojan and now has a good appetite – his mouth very sore with fever blisters.”

“We have here and at the plantation a numbers of sick slaves – enough to make the ‘go the (?) every day – at this time I (?) old Aunt Easter and I have Maker Ben as most seriously sick. I have just placed a (?) blister upon the old woman’s breast. This is Ben’s (?) second attack! I can’t hope for good health in our family of Negros until (?).”

Charles Lewellyn Letters (overseer, Greene County, Alabama plantation)
Mar. 1, 1846 from Charles Lewellyn in Greene County AL to Paul Cameron in Stagville NC

page 1
“Willie’s foot is a little better than it was when I wrote to you. Old York is yet complaining. Joe and Henderson are no better nor no worse than when you left here. I have not had time to send to the Landing after the winter clothing yet but will send in a few days. It is now raining.”
(Comment on clothing may be in ref. to that needed for slaves. – cn)

Oct. 22, 1846 from Charles Lewellyn in Greene County AL to Paul Cameron in Stagville NC

page 1
“Jafus and Molly Law are both getting well, and I hope in a few days there will be no one sick on the plantation, but Caroline and Fanny Johnson they are in bad health and I am afraid will not get well soon. Dr. Ring is attending them. I think they have the dropsy… Don’t be afraid that the sick will not be attended to. I will give them all the attention I can.

Oct. 20, 1847 from Charles Lewellyn in Greene County AL to Paul Cameron in Stagville NC

page 1
“I have now in the house 17 sick hands. None very sick, but Daniel. He had today a congestive chill…”

Frances Cameron Letters
Dec. 12, 1847 from Frances Cameron in Hillsborough NC to her relative (uncle?) Duncan Cameron

page 1
“…time is very limited, I will come at once to the point. A man servant who formerly belonged to [mother] is about to be sold, and has applied to me to buy him. He is not to be sold for any fault, but because his master wants money. He has been valued at $700, but to favour him, as he is anxious that I should get him, I am told that I can have him for $550. I am particularly desirous of purchasing him, as I shall not only get a valuable servant at a price below his real value, [lest] I have just been deprived of the man whom we have hired for the last 3 years. The only way in which I can provide for my family is by taking boarders, which I have been doing for the past 2 years. But a good male servant in my establishment, is inispensable, and now when “hiring day” as its called has passed, it’s extremely difficult to [purchase[] one. I ame entirely without a servant except one woman, the only servant I own, and though I assist her as much as I can, ‘tis impossible to get along without a man or boy. I am afraid you will think me tedious my (request)…”
page 2
“…to aid me if possible, by lending me the money to purchase the man until I am able to pay you, and in the mean time, have them mortgaged to you, to serve you from [unintelligible]… Will you be kind enough, if you please sir, whether you can comply with my wishes [unintelligible] to oblige me, by answering this as soon as possible, as the sale is suspended for a few days, for my accommodation.”

[Anisha Andrews]

My interpretation of the slave letters....


When we learn about slavery and slave master’s we often get a picture of an evil cold hearted slave master, who will whip and torment slaves into working in horrible conditions. From these we can create a different interpretation. Through these letters we can use weather as an indicator for the treatment of slaves, as well as the success of the plantation owner’s crops. This is not to downplay the immoral act of slavery or to say that slave masters did not treat their slaves badly. Rather, the theme of weather and patterns, across the letters, can give us a better understanding of how slaves were cared for and treated.
In the letters there are several instances where Lewellyn accounts for the weather and his inability to get work done on the field. “The Negroes will make an effort to get out the crop by the 25th if the weather will permit it being done- but I fear they will not do so.” Even with good weather and the opportunity to get things done, illness has stopped their progress. “The weather here is very warm today, more like July than November, and yet we have a great deal of disease in our Negro family.” Regardless of the weather, whether it be too hot or too cold, or the current health of the slaves Lewellyn could have easily demanded that the slaves “weather the storm” and worked under any condition. Mr. Cameron, as well, could have ordered Lewellyn to put the slaves to work under any circumstance to ensure the production of his crops. The facts that they did not resort to those measures proves to me that the overall health and wellness of their slaves were important. Productive, healthy slaves seems to be Mr. Cameron’s priority when he requested “the overseer to keep the [unintelligible] in the house as I [unintelligible] suffer more cold.” We can assume that Mr. Cameron is discussing his concerns about his slaves. This statement can also be used to show that the well being of slaves was important.
The weather can also be used to track the production of the plantation owner’s crop. We can see what the expectation for the crop and compare it to what was done. “I commenced planting corn Wednesday and would have finished Saturday morning but rain stop me from planting, I finished Monday about 2 o’clock.” Bad weather conditions prevented Mr. Lewellyn from planting corn by two days, delaying the growth of the crop. The weather also caused crops to flourish and others hard to gather. “Corn made by the [rain] on the 4th of July, oats cut and [shucked] and a good many [shuck] wet by the rain on the [4th].” “The cotton is too wet to gather and it is nearly [unintelligible] high in mud.”
It is easy to believe that slave masters and overseers treated slaves as less than human or measured their importance to the amount of labor they contributed to. Weather seems to affect how slaves were treated and how well crops did. Regarding the treatment of slaves, we would believe that slaves were constantly placed in situations that jeopardized their health and well-being, in order to produce and gather crops. These letters paints a different picture slaves were relieved from working in the fields when weather conditions prohibited them doing so. The lack of success crops had would lead one to believe that an overseer or plantation owner would over work their slaves to make up from loss production. At least in this case, by analyzing weather patterns and conditions we can determine the treatment of slaves.

[Chris Touch]

Overall though the PC Cameron and Llewellyn letters we have a sense of the real story of the plantation. Hollywood films often put drama and passion into this type of life, yet we can see from these letters the real day to day business of a plantation and also the harsh realities of the enslaved people.

This life is a complete cultural shock to me and I think most people who were raised in the late 20th and early 21st century. Yet, for someone such as the Camerons of this time, this was normal day to day business. In the excerpt:
September 5, 1844 Letter from PC Cameron to Duncan Cameron
Excerpt from page 3
“but the land paid for, you will never regret the removal of your slaves”
We see that it is about business and for the benefit of the family that we now know as the Camerons or Llewellyns for that matter. The entire letter speaks of the benefits of the owner and the certainty that the enslaved people will carry out the duties of the plantation owners. There is mention but not an emphasis of the any human sympathy or empathy of the enslaved people over the conditions that they will begin to endure as they work the new land purchased by the owners. In the next excerpt, we see the treatment of slaves as property and like cattle to be whipped at the owner or overseers discretion.
March 27, 1847 Letter from Charles Llewellyn to PC Cameron
Excerpt from page 1 “Milton is at home and I have not whipped him yet, I thought it would be prudent not to whip him until he got over his trip”
In the excerpt,
“I commenced planting corn Wednesday and would have finished Saturday morning but rain stop me from planting, I finished Monday about 2 o’clock. I have planted 200 acres of corn and there is about 75 sowed in oats. I think I have about 30 acres of land to bed, I intended to commence sowing cotton seed today but it is now pouring down raining. I have not bought anymore team yet, and as my team is in good order I will try and do without any more. There is no chance to get to the landing yet. The water, all of last week, was from the foot of the hill as you go to Mays Bottom to the landing.” We may interpret that the overseer or owner is doing the planting and our sympathies may initially stand with them. However, what the reader is not completely informed is that the owners or really the overseer is supervising or in common 21st century talk, we may use the word “babysitting”. However, what the reader without historical knowledge of the content, such as a social studies middle or secondary student, is that it is the enslaved people that are doing the work.
Another aspect of the interpretation is the idea of mental and physical health of the plantation system. Many of the physical ailments that in 21st medicine can be mostly dismissed through modern medical practices. Often in these letters we see elements of what is modernly called Tuberculosis. When symptoms are referred to in the letters, victims of the disease are usually given teas and whiskey or opiates to soothe pain, but often and usually die. Tuberculosis seems to be a common occurrence in the letters. Of course, the conditions seemed to nurture the illness. In the letters are context references to the enslaved women population having worn clothing and concern that they would almost be naked in a few months. If an enslaved person was beaten, they suffered injuries that went untreated. The medical knowledge of the time was very primitive. So to sustain injuries, have poor clothing, and working in harsh climatic conditions was certainly an environment for disease.
In the contextual analysis of the plantation letters, we see a different world than what we are used to looking at from today. What is unfortunate is that we do not have any direct interviews or personal journals from the enslaved people. The context we have of the enslaved people is only from what we can interpret from the letters of the owners and overseers and their personal feelings and interactions. We can only interpret information based on their report of their personal interaction with the enslaved. Imagine what would be possible for African American families of today to trace their lineage if there were more accurate names of individuals among the enslaved. For example, at this time period owners gave names to their slaves but did not necessarily document the names on paper. In some purchases of human slaves, even names were on the auction receipts. Certainly there were no surnames. Surnames were taken later after the Emancipation Proclamation and usually invented or taken after the name of the plantation owner.
Another aspect of the interpretation is the sense of time and distance. In the 21st century world we would think nothing of taking a trip from Raleigh to Fayetteville. Or we may think of driving from Raleigh to Alabama as mere occupied time. However, we can see how long it really takes the time to travel during the time of the Cameron family. There are more aspects to the travel such as traveling by horse and carriage and the maintenance associated with this. Also, travel plans did not always stop because there was not a real science of meteorology, but travel could certainly be delayed in adverse ways because of weather. Interestingly enough regarding travel, it certainly would have an adverse affect on the enslaved people as well. Perhaps if the business travel was not successful, then supplies or food or the medicine of the time would not get to them or maybe clothing. Then we are back to the cycle of disease, or adverse punishment based on the current temperament of the owner or overseer.
Concluding I think it is important for us as we interpret these letters to understand time, place, manner, and distance. It is also important to us that we do not have a script here. We only have excerpts of the past as written in real time in private correspondences when the individuals writing chose to communicate. It is very random. It is also very biased. It is only from the opinion of the enslavers and not from the opinion or thoughts of the enslaved. This of course makes this open to the interpretation of the reader, but hopefully with a further sense of the historical context.

[Alice Harmon]

Plantation Excerpts:

Author: Paul Cameron
Recipient: Duncan Cameron
Date: Jan 4, 1885
Letter:
- Excerpt 1: “I will either rent more land if to be had or hire out his negro’s” (p. 4).
- Excerpt 2: “Our people with the exception of Henderson are all well and well employed in preparing for the crop by cutting up dead timber, cotton stalks, hauling out cotton, and in preparing timber to repair their negro houses” (p.4)
- Excerpt 3: “In employing the overseer, he was given to understand that in my absence Mr. Ruffin was the master of him”(p.4).

Author: Paul Cameron
Recipient: Duncan Cameron
Date: October 3, 1846
Letter:
- Excerpt 1: “I sent Henry to [unintelligible] this morning to tend to our sick…” (pg. 2)
- Cannot make out the rest of the text. How did these people read each others letters!

Author: Charles Lewellyn
Recipient: Paul Cameron
Date: October 8, 1845
- Excerpt 1: “Sanday’s health is much better than it was when I wrote to you last. Lewis and [Orange] are the giners. Daniel Anderson (Wesby), Jafus are the drivers. [Pat] and Peggy hands up the cotton.”
- Excerpt 2: “There is no one complaining this morning as it is raining.”
- Excerpt 3: “In my next letter I will give you a list of the pickers and their weights if you are not with me before I will write to you again”.

Author: Charles Lewellyn
Recipient: Paul Cameron
Date: September 30, 1846
- Excerpt 1: “Cotton is full of track and it is impossible to pick it clean. I had picking yesterday 50 hands. They picked 7194 pounds of cotton.” (pg. 1)
- Excerpt 2: Lists of hands in the house today: Toney, Martin, Monroe, Eaton, Thomas, Anderson, Anekey, Orvin, Lizzy, Faney, Caroline. There is none of them very sick yet.” (Pg. 1)

Author: Charles Lewellyn
Recipient: Paul Cameron
Date: July 31, 1847
- Excerpt 1: “I received your letter July 15 and am very sorry to find that I have been charged with false packing of cotton.” (Pg. 1)
- Excerpt 2: “I live in much [unintelligible] keep cotton dry in the blow room you have on the plantation and Sandy has worked on it every year before I commenced ginning…” (Pg. 1)
- Excerpt 3: “Your crop of cotton is very much injured by the heavy and constant rains.” (pg 2)
- Excerpt 4: “I had all of the hands at the hoe for some time on account of the lands being too wet to plow and was compelled to push the team then [unintelligible]. Team in good order.” (Pg. 2)
- Excerpt 5: “I don’t think Fanny or Caroline will ever get well. Old Lizzy complaining and Old [Polly]. The rest of your people all well.

[David Moseley]

From the original letters between the Cameron family and their employees, slaves are often mentioned since they are an integral part of the plantation operation. Since the letters were not written or received by the slaves themselves, the language is often derogatory or just in reference to the slaves as property of value. This shows the nature of the culture and the lack of respect and responsibility that slaves are given for their part in the southern economic system.

Sickness appears to be a way of life for the slaves on southern plantations. Throughout the letters, the names of various slaves are mentioned as being sick and unable to work. Some slaves are mentioned in multiple letters and eventually as having succumbed to sickness and overwork. A couple of these slaves that are mentioned repeatedly in the letters are Joe and Henderson. They come up because they are sick for a very long time. Henderson is sick from at least November 1844 till July 1846 and Joe from at least May 1845 till June 1846.

These men are mentioned 10 times in the letters transcribed from Charles Lewellyn to Paul Cameron and once in a letter from Paul Cameron to Duncan Cameron. The letters from Lewellyn tell a very functional story about the number of hands that he is able to have at work with reference to the trips that Paul has made to inspect the situation himself. He does make a comment about the limits of their workload in September 1845. He says that they “won’t haul water for the hands”. An interesting note here is that he does not say that they “can’t” haul water, but that they won’t. This may just be a verbal slip but it could also be an insight into the degree to which the slaves are allowed to decide how much work they are able to perform.

The letter from Paul to his father tells a slightly different story and is a little more elaborative. Paul has a very limited outlook for the two slaves. He recognizes that there has been no improvement in Henderson since he saw him a year ago, a very long time for sickness. His judgment on Joe is not much better. The comparison of this account with that of Lewellyn seems to indicate that Paul has a less realistic view of the health of these two men. It could be that he is writing to prepare his father for the likely case that these men will have to be replaced knowing that a more dire report is safer than a rosier one.

Here are the references to Joe and Henderson in chronological order:

May 11, 1845: “Joe and Henderson are as they was when you left here”
August 1, 1845: “There is none of the hands now in the house dangerous at this time. Joe’s health improved. Henderson no better.”
September 17, 1845: “Joe and Henderson the same. Both together won’t haul water for the hands. Joe is not in as good health as he was some time ago.”
November 18, 1845: Paul Cameron to Duncan Cameron
“Little Joe is yet in delicate health. Sandy is looking badly, having a chill every 3rd day. Henderson is about as he was 12 months ago, looking if possible a little more bleached and enfeebled.”
February 13, 1846: “Little Joe not much improved if any. Henderson the same he was when you left here.”
March 1, 1846: “Joe and Henderson are no better nor no worse than when you left here.”
March 12, 1846: “Joe and Henderson the same.”
March 21, 1846: “Joe better and Willie’s foot a little better. Henderson the same.”
April 30, 1846: “Old York is dead. Joe and Henderson no worse.”
July 3, 1845: “Joe’s health I think is improving.”
July 7, 1846: “Joe better, Henderson the same.”

Not only is sickness important to the Charles Lewelln, it is one of the only things that he considers to be worthy of writing about. As foreman of the plantation, he has a responsibility to let his employer know about the conditions which define the work he is able to accomplish. One reason for the importance of sickness is because of the primacy of economics in the slave system. A slave who is sick or dead is one that is not earning money for the plantation owner. It is easy to see how that is a detriment to the wealth of the south as a whole, but the problem goes much deeper than that. When a slave is sick, he does not fit the mold for the entire cultural system created by slavery. In other words, a slave who is not fulfilling an economic or social purpose begins to expose the inhumanity of the system as a whole.

[Lindsey Dowling]

When reading through the Cameron letters for slave references many of the information discussed between authors is related to slave health and the state of the crops on the plantation. However, there are a few lines that highlight new plantations that the Cameron’s invested in as well as travel arrangements made for their families. This time period in the American slave trade is usually called the Second Middle Passage because many plantation and slave owners began migrating away from states such as the Carolina’s and Virginia into areas like Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi and even into Texas.

The dates of the Cameron letters begin around 1844. The time period of acquisition of new plantations is important because the tobacco crop had robbed the original plantation lands of nutrients and this is one reason why they bought plantations outside of North Carolina. While doing research on this topic I was surprised to learn that most plantation owners sold slaves when they left a plantation and bought new ones when they reached the new plantation. Owners rarely paid for the transport of their slaves to a new plantation. One letter dated September 5, 1844 from Paul Cameron to his dad stated, “but the land paid for, you will never regret the removal of your slaves.” Another letter a year later from Kenneth Rayner to Duncan Cameron discussing how he will go to Memphis to examine the cotton region in that area, he was then going to purchase land and return to take his “negroes” down with him to the land, this letter was written on November 14, 1845.

The movement of the slaves that Paul Cameron was discussing with his father in the September 5th letter was revisted on October 12th and October 25th 1844. In the first letter Paul said, “I shall now make every effort to be in the readiness for the departure of our people…We should had two larger tents made for the women and children…what more is needed for the use of a plantation cause I learn he has as cheap at the South as here.” In the second letter he actually stated how much the expenses for “each negro” as well as for each horse would be for the trip. The slaves would cost six or seven dollars each, while the horses would cost ten dollars each, “Mr. Laws makes a higher estimate than I had anticipated.” They finished the trip just before December 7th, 1944. In a letter from Paul to Duncan he describes their arrival, “I met Mr. Laws here… people all in good condition with the exception of Edmund… I got our people into the fate of their new house about an hour by [unintelligible] last evening.” Paul also responded to some of his father’s concerns about the venture by saying, “I could not have rented an other than what is regarded as a sickly river plantation had I desired that course, and I will never consent to hire a negro of mine out in this country whilst he shall call me a master.” He finished the letter saying, “He will tell you that no negroes were ever brought to Alabama upon better terms.”

From the Cameron letters it seems that despite the typical practices of the day they refused to buy new slaves for each plantation and would transport their “families” to these new areas. This would however negatively affect the slaves. They were uprooted from other family members, familiar surroundings and jobs to an entirely new place. Loyal slaves would runaway such as Milton who left the Greene County, Alabama plantation and when he was caught stated he was trying to reach the Cameron plantation in Raleigh. A letter from Paul to his father on December 19, 1845 discussed how the slaves hoped to have a holiday with more rest than the frolicking they usually did at the holidays in North Carolina. The older slaves seemed to grow thinner while the younger slaves “fattened,” in a letter date December 1, 1946. The occasional mention of the older slaves looking sick while the younger slaves seemed to grow also lends support to the extensive list of sick slaves and that correlation to smaller crop out put.

Although by transporting their own slaves, the Camerons, may have saved some time and money in readying the plantations for crops it in turn may have had a negative effect on the slaves themselves.

[Cliff Haley]

Sickness and Health as Resistance

In any relationship of power, there is resistance. One of the major trends in history in the later half of the 20th century was locating and valuing resistance to power. Guilds, factories, armies, colonies, and every other organized structure for exerting power faced resistance to power. The most successful organizations designed outlets for this resistance that did not challenge the status quo, but provided the oppressed an opportunity for relief. Whether through legal rights, customs, or tacit understanding, the oppressed have clung to certain privileges and protections to resist those with power. The work of historians has shown that resistance can take on many forms ranging form physical to psychological. After reading the Cameron Plantation Papers, I believe that such an outlet may have existed in the Slave/Owner power relationship in the form of absenting from work for reasons of health.

There is no doubt that a great deal of disease circulated in antebellum plantations. That these diseases hit the overworked and ill-nourished slaves harder than their white owners is no surprise. As a result of this deadly climate, the overseers of the Cameron plantations were obsessed with health, their own, and that of their slaves. Their letters are filled with updates on new sickness, old injuries, and news of the dreaded fever and chills. My inference that slaves and overseers acknowledged health as a mechanism of resistance relies on the assumption that reports of “sick” contain multiple meanings. One reading of sick implies that there is a debilitating illness that requires attention, rest, and maybe a doctor. Another meaning, my inferred meaning, uses “sick” to communicate a period of rest for slave who may not be in any danger yet who is kept away from work.

Owners and overseers communicated with each other on the status of their slaves and more importantly how the slaves’ work was coming. When ever a serious illness struck a slave, the reference of “sick” is generally followed up with by a mention of fever and chills. Fever and chills was the language used if a slave’s work was compromised or if the slave in question was in danger of dying. Paul Cameron’s overseer Charles Llewellyn writes, “I have now in the house 17 sick hands. None very sick, but Daniel. He had today a congestive chill…” In a letter from Paul to his father Duncan Cameron, he writes, “it happened that we have a great deal of chill and fever at the mill quarter in [unintelligible] I have made the best arrangement that I could for the administration of medicine by cutting it up into portions 1g. for the elder ones and 5 grains for the younger [unintelligible] with a letter [unintelligible] with instructions for the use of our usual teas.” Fever and Chill was serious illness that had lasting consequence on the work force. In a letter from Paul Cameron, to his father, Paul laments that Duncan was suffering “from such an [unintelligible] negro disease as chill and fever.” Paul considered himself knowledgeable of medicine and was carefully involved in the treatment of his sick slaves, yet he interestingly classified fever and chills as a slave’s illness. “Fever and chills” was not a list of symptoms but rather the phrase communicating the condition of slaves who were not able to be put to work for reasons of health.

If such explicit measures were taking to indicate serious incapacitation, then why are the letters filled with references of sick slaves whose incapacity seems minor? One explanation might be that being “sick” was the only way out of a day in the fields or at hard work. A few references indicate that maladies of short duration were used as excuses to remain “in the house”. Paul again writes to his father, “three hands in the house not very sick. Joe and Henderson the same. Both together won’t haul water for the hands.” Another letter writer, William Hams, states, “All [slaves] were out there except Tower and Patience. Tower said he had hurt his back lifting but I except he went out the next day. Not much the matter with Patience.” These observers indicate that despite only minor illness or incapacity, the referenced slaves were away from work. Indeed “Tower” was expected back to work the next day, and Hams could find no reason why Patience was kept in.

It is likely that slaves understood their owners/overseers concern with health and were thus able to use that concern against them as a way to evade work for a day or two. Overseers were likely unwilling to let a slave who exhibited slight symptoms develop full blown fever and chill. The question remains, did owners and overseers recognize this use of resistance and tacitly accept it? The slippages in the meaning of “sick” seem to indicate that they did. Paul wrote to Duncan, “We have several sick, no one ill.” This distinction between sick and ill demonstrates how the classification of “sick” might mean something unrelated to physical health. Lewellyn wrote an interesting letter to Paul, “Mr. Cameron I have tried to write you once in 15 days, but sometimes business and sickness prevents me from doing so. As I like to say as little about sickness as possible, sick at this time Orrinn, Peggy, Eaton, Becky Caroline, Martin, Molly, Aggy and [children] Monroe, John low, Frank, and six women not able to do anything in the crop.” This letter raises many questions. Why is Lewellyn reluctant to talk about sickness when disease is a feature of almost every letter? Why are so many sick yet there is no mention of doctors, or of any efforts to heal them? Lewellyn must be using “sick” to refer to some other condition that leads to such a large number of Cameron slaves staying in from work.

After reading just a few examples from the Cameron plantation letters, we can begin to see that “sick” is a term that carries multiple meanings. What I have presented here is by no means a smoking gun that proves that slaves had the means to dodge work with their owner’s tacit approval or understanding. What I have tried to present is just the possibility that slaves understood their health as a way to resist the terrible burden of field labor and that owners acknowledged, and to a certain extent, tolerated this informal system through linguistic slippages located in the discourse of health and disease.


Letters Used:

Letter from Charles Lewellyn to Paul Cameron. October 20 1847. P1.
Letter from Paul Cameron to Duncan Cameron. September 29 1846. P1.
Letter from Paul Cameron to Duncan Cameron. November 8 1847. P1.
Letter from Charles Lewellyn to Paul Cameron. September 17 1845. P1.
Letter from William Hams to W. Bennehan. January 7, 1847. P1.
Letter from Charles Lewellyn to Duncan Cameron. June 1 1845. P1.
Letter from Charles Lewellyn to Paul Cameron. July 7 1846. P1.

[Alice Harmon]

After reading through the Plantations letters and the excerpts provided by classmates I think that the overall theme is that monetary importance and gaining income is all that truly mattered. A few of the interpretations that I have read from classmates mention that they were surprised about the “care and compassion” that both supervisor Lewellyn and Mr. Cameron had toward the slaves. However, I think this is quite inaccurate to think that there was a surplus compassion floating around the Southern United States in regard to master and slave. We must remember that Lewellyn is writing to his boss so he will use delicate words and attempt to write like a Gentleman. Also, when Paul Cameron is writing to his father, Duncan Cameron, he too will express some level of respect and therefore not write things that are distasteful and crude about their slaves. What matters the most is the economic success and livelihood of their plantation and in direct correlation to that success is the overall health and wellbeing of their slaves. The Cameron’s slaves are essentially their investment, they paid for them in order to turn around more profit so naturally they want to keep them in good health and generally happy. Though it is a crude example to compare a human life to a mere investment for the prospect of wealth that is sadly what the truth is! I do not mean to call out the Cameron family and say that they were terrible people for having slaves, it was just the way of life back then, however I also do not wish to praise them for caring about the well being of their investments.

Much of Lewellyn’s letters to Paul Cameron discuss the progress on their plantation and how their health is. The weather seems to effect the production of their goods as well as the health of their slaves, so it is a topic of conversation. Almost every letter addresses the health of the slaves as well as the Cameron family and their overseer, it reminded me of how shaky health really was two centuries ago. Today I never start my emails or conversations with “everyone here is in good health so we are happy”, health is really only addressed when someone is NOT healthy, and often times there was a list of slaves who were sick in the letters from Lewellyn to Paul Cameron. The weather effects the health of the slaves and the crops, one letter I read was from Lewellyn trying desperately to explain how the constant rain had ruined “his” cotton. Another theme I noticed was that Lewellyn really took claim for the production of the crops, whether production was going well or poorly he referred to them as “my crops” or “I was not able to produce anymore pounds…” He really understands that he is responsible for making the slaves do their work and takes credit when they succeed or fail. Again, this is an interesting concept to swallow in the 21st century where we are so quick to place the blame elsewhere.
The main point I get from these letters is that it is merely a business deal, a few men writing about their "company" and its successes and failures. Health and the weather seem to effect production and while they might show concern for the wellbeing of their slaves, it is the wellbeing of their crops that really matters. Though they were not heartless and while I am sure that there was a certain level of compassion existing on the Cameron plantation, the importance of maintain a productive business and a wealthy farm was the top priority of all three men whose letters I looked at in depth.

It is important to realize that these letters were written in a world that we can only imagine one that was not flooded with texting and voicemail or overnight packages. It is important to think of all of the different aspects of the nineteenth century that made these facts unique! But it is also important to realize that these letters were business letters, meant to discuss the production and wealth of an organization that fortunately has been long expired and can only be learned by studying the wonders of our past!